
一 |
阿里云优惠券 先领券再下单 咱们做拼多多最关注的数据无外乎两个,单量和直通车的投产比,单量决定着咱们销售额的上限,投产比决定着咱们利润的上限,单量和投产比都抓住,才算是把拼多多这个平台做好了。 毕竟只有投产比,比如我做的某个链接,10的投产比,每单利润30块钱多,一天就出个一两单,这有啥意义呢?还有那种每天爆几千单的,投产比1点多,更是悲喜交加的感觉。 所以,咱们做拼多多要的是单量和投产比两手都要抓,两手都要有。

二 | 单量这块呢,主要是看品,低价大类目的品是很好起量,除此之外的品,就得靠强运营手段来操作了,品这块先不提。 咱本文重点来讲讲投产比,如何优化提高直通车投产比,是每个做拼多多的商家老板运营都很关注的,今天我就跟大家简单分享下,我优化拼多多直通车投产比的那些方式,希望能给大家带来一些参考。
01 优化投产比是个长期工作 在咱们决定要降低直通车花费,也就是优化投产比前,首先要有个正确的心态,就是拼多多直通车的投产比优化从来不是立竿见影的,而是如植物生长一般缓慢不易被察觉的。

三 | Editor's Note:
In an era of profound global shifts and increasingly complex regional dynamics, a proper understanding of the world must be rooted in "grounded experience" and localized insights. Global Times English edition, in collaboration with the Academy of International and Regional Communication Studies, Communication University of China, is proud to launch "Local Insights," an English-language column dedicated to original, field-based observations.
We invite Chinese scholars and professionals who are studying, conducting exchanges, or working outside China, as well as international students and friends living and studying in China who are familiar with the social contexts of their home countries or third countries, to begin from first-hand field experience and engage with social, cultural, and contemporary issues beyond China. In the fifth article of this column, drawing on her on‑the‑ground experience as a Chinese exchange scholar, the author observes a South Africa Freedom Day memorial gathering, revealing how local politics unfolds through collective singing, dancing, and grassroots participation, while also reflecting on the gap between political liberation and economic justice.
As a PhD student, I am currently on an exchange program at Nelson Mandela University in South Africa, with support from the China Scholarship Council. Since arriving here, I have developed a habit of stepping beyond campus whenever possible. Community meetings, municipal events and public gatherings have become a vital way for me to engage with local life. This time, a local friend recommended that I attend a memorial event in Kariega, organized by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) in honor of its former president, Phumzile John Gomomo. Beyond that, I had little sense of what kind of gathering I was about to enter.
It was on the way that I noticed the streets were unusually vibrant. Groups of people were dressed in colorful attire, with bright Xhosa headscarves and garments bearing political symbols. My friend then reminded me that it was April 27, which is Freedom Day in South Africa. On this day in 1994, South Africa held its first non-racial election, formally ending apartheid and inaugurating democratic rule. Over the past three decades, Freedom Day commemorates political liberation, while also inviting recurring reflection on whether the promise of freedom has been fully realized. In that sense, Freedom Day marks an important moment for observing contemporary South African politics and social sentiment.

From street to hall: Entering Freedom Day
The event was scheduled to begin at 10 am, and we arrived shortly before the hour. Yet there were not many people present. Banners of COSATU, the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the African National Congress (ANC) had already been displayed inside the hall, quietly framing the political context of the gathering. Although my understanding was still limited, I could already sense that their presence mattered. COSATU, SACP and ANC represent key forces in South Africa's political landscape, historically linked through the "Tripartite Alliance" formed during the anti-apartheid struggle and sustained in various forms since 1994. I could see that this was not simply a local gathering, but one embedded within a much longer political tradition.
What struck me first was how different the atmosphere was from what I had expected of a political gathering. There was no sense of urgency or visible tension. My friend introduced me around, and we greeted each other through handshakes, embraces and brief conversations, with a familiarity that suggested long-standing connections. Someone also greeted me with "ni hao." The early autumn wind carried a chill that felt almost like winter. However, the mood was unmistakably different. A sense of warmth emerged from the way people related to one another.
We took our seats in the front row. As I looked around, the hall was gradually filling up. I noticed that people wore headscarves, skirts and short-sleeved shirts layered under heavier coats, with ANC insignia visible in various forms. Every time I made eye contact with someone, they would respond with a warm smile. Even as the only foreign face in the hall, I felt no sense of awkwardness or exclusion.

When music preceded speech
The atmosphere felt far more open than I had imagined. There was no formal signal from a host. Yet, almost imperceptibly, singing and dancing began to fill the space. At first, it was only a few voices. Then others joined. A group of older women stood up, stepping lightly as their bodies moved with the rhythm. Their arms tracing steady patterns in the air, moved with an ease that suggested a deep sense of rhythm. Around them, others began to join in. Someone clapped, someone responded in song, while others stepped forward into the center, aligning themselves with the unfolding rhythm.
Before I fully understood what was happening, someone gently pulled me into the group. I followed, trying to imitate the movements. It didn't take long for me to realize that participation did not depend on learning the steps. Once inside, you were already part of it.
Meanwhile, a more distinct call began to emerge, repeated at intervals: "Amandla" (Power) "Awethu" (To the People). The words rose above the singing and then dissolved back into it. Song, chant and movement overlapped, making it difficult to distinguish where one ended and another began. At that moment, I found myself wondering: was this a political gathering, or a celebration?
It was not until around midday that the event formally began. Speakers gradually took their places, and the hall shifted into a more structured atmosphere. What I did not expect, however, was that the mayor I had followed on social media was among those arriving. Seeing her there came as a surprise. I didn't expect to see local officials there, let alone find myself within what was clearly part of their political life.
The memorial lecture brought together members of the ANC, alliance partners and the broader community in a moment of reflection and renewed commitment. The gathering honored the enduring legacy of Phumzile John Gomomo and his immense contribution to the struggle for workers' rights and social justice.
They reflected on Cde John Gomomo as one of the most dedicated worker leaders produced by the Congress Movement, emphasizing unity, organization and ongoing activism as essential to advancing the goals of the democratic movement. Gomomo was an icon in the labor movement. He devoted his entire life to serving workers and is remembered as a hero of the struggle for freedom, democracy and workers' rights. His contributions were situated within the broader historical moment of South Africa's transition to democracy - a transition whose achievements are commemorated each year on Freedom Day, marking the political liberation attained in 1994.
The lecture also raised a question that resonated widely: when political freedom was achieved, did it also translate into economic freedom? Gomomo's legacy was not only invoked as history, but also a lens through which to examine the present.
Speakers highlighted the ongoing challenges facing workers today, including high unemployment and the rising cost of living, which continue to strain working-class households. Against this backdrop, unity, organization and sustained activism were presented not as symbolic gestures, but as necessary responses.
The themes of the lecture aligned closely with the spirit of International Workers' Day, linking past struggles with present realities and ongoing demands. In this sense, the lecture stood not only as a tribute, but also as a call to action, urging those in attendance to carry forward the values, discipline and commitment that defined his life of service.
After each speaker delivered their speech, people rose from their seats, singing and clapping. The officials on stage joined in as well, blurring the distinction between speaker and audience. The atmosphere remained lively, with an almost continuous sense of energy. Gradually, I began to realize that the event was not simply a commemorative one, but rather a form of political practice.

What stood out to me was that the mayor mentioned China in her speech. She spoke of the strong relationship between China and South Africa, noting the presence of Chinese automotive companies in Nelson Mandela Bay and expressing hope for further cooperation. After her speech, I was invited to take a photo with her. She shook my hand, welcomed me as an international student in South Africa, and expressed her positive view of China.
I also had a brief exchange with Xolile Nqatha, the provincial secretary of the SACP in Eastern Cape. Reflecting on the history of leftist movements in South Africa, he noted that both the SACP and the Communist Party of China were founded in 1921. He also remarked that it remains rare to see Chinese scholars present at such gatherings. I had not imagined that I would be speaking with government officials, which initially caught me off guard. For me, this brief encounter made China's presence in South Africa feel less like a matter of diplomatic language and more like something embedded in local political life.
The event continued until around 3 pm. As I stepped outside, the surrounding streets were noticeably more crowded. The parking area was nearly full. Roadside vendors were selling clothing marked with political symbols, and media crews remained on site, documenting the scene. People left gradually. Many paused to exchange farewells, embracing one another before leaving, as if the rhythm of the gathering had not yet fully ended.
The experience reshaped my understanding of what a political gathering could be. In a global context where political expression is increasingly fragmented, a mode of public engagement built around rhythm and participation offers a different way of understanding political life. Here, politics did not take shape solely through institutions, procedures or formal speech. It could be serious, yet also warm. It could be articulated through language, but it could just as readily take shape through song, movement and collective response.
This year also marks the 32nd anniversary of the end of apartheid. It represents the restoration of dignity, equality before the law and the collective promise that South Africa would never again be a society governed by exclusion, injustice or oppression. In the community, I saw how residents engaged with the local government, participated in decision-making processes and worked collectively to build safer, more inclusive neighborhoods. For me, the gathering became an entry point into contemporary political life in South Africa, revealing something that cannot be fully grasped from a distance.
The author is a PhD student in African Area Studies at the College of Foreign Languages, Zhejiang Normal University
。

四 | 为什么说拼多多优化投产比不是立竿见影的?因为我试过,我接的店铺里有的老板确实很着急,今天直通车投产比3起量了,老板就想明天要5的投产比,在摆清楚利害关系后,老板依然要求要立刻提投产,结果从3提到5的下一刻,曝光直接贴地,单量嘛,没咯! 在拼多多里面投产比我最多每次提高0.2就顶天了,那种1次提高1以上或者单日提高1以上投产比的,都是置死链接风险于不顾的。 我作的优化投产比的链接,大部分是1个月把投产比提升个1左右,是一个月提升1,不是1天,也不是1周,真的是1个月。很多电商运营等不及,结果就是链接一拖价就挂了,优化直通车投产比只有长期主义才是正确的,急功近利没结果。 不过这里面也不排除有单日提升2~3投产比不会掉单的,为什么会有这种情况呢?是因为品,跟运营能力完全没关系的。就比如最近爆火的哭哭马,全网都没货,就你家有卖,你说优化投产比需要谨慎吗? 货都不够卖的,这种不开车都能有单的,直通车提投产就完全不用在意上述的拖价周期了,但是这样的品太少见了,也不是常态化的运营。市面上绝大部分产品都是常规品,这种品的直通车优化都是需要很长的周期,所以,咱们优化直通车投产比按长期思维来做准没错。

五 |
02 优化投产比的节奏是低频低改 低频低改是什么意思呢?低频指的是优化直通车的频次,大家觉得直通车出价几天调1次比较合适?我的结论是3天,因为直通车调整完出价后,有的时候数据变化不会立刻反馈出来。 我之前有个链接,当日提高1的投产比后,曝光和单量竟然还涨了,心想这个品真好卖哇!结果第二天同时间段一过,直接没数据了,也就是调车后的效果有滞后性,如果没有看到调车的效果,就进行下一步操作,很有可能雪上加霜,这样操作,明明一个好链接,因为自己的操作不当给搞挂了,就不划算了。 3天调一次车,是因为直通车调整后,最慢3天时间就能看出效果,就看第三天的曝光和单量,如果第三天的曝光和调投产之前变化不大,那我再次调直通车投产比真的是一点心理压力都没有的,如果第三天的曝光是轻微下跌的,那我再次调车就会谨慎很多。 如果第三天的曝光是腰斩甚至跌的更多,接下来我会放弃继续优化直通车,甚至有可能调回3天前的直通车出价,看到没,根据优化直通车后的数据反馈来决定下一个优化动作,所以,这个3天时间是不可少的。 对于那种单量很高,求稳的店铺,我调车的周期会拉到1周以上,时间越久,优化直通车的风险越低。

六 | 低改又是什么意思呢?就是每次调车的投产比都不能高,经过长达千年百万次的测试,我发现,直通车投产比每次涨0.2最为合适。高于0.2的,断流的风险指数级提升,低于0.2的,那拖价周期就太久了,每次涨0.2,一个月提升个1,问题不大,而拼多多直通车投产比提升1,且不断流,就已经是大圆满成功了。 做人不要贪,不要想着今天提升1投产比,明天就去提升2,贪得无厌的最终结果就是什么都得不到,这不是我说的,这是系统算法决定的,你能拿到多少的利润点数,系统早就算好了,你投产比提的太高,系统就会把你的流量分给比你出价更高的同款,所以,该拿多少,能拿多少,自己心里有个数就好。

七 |
03 优化直通车投产比的起点在保本投产比 既然确定了优化直通车投产比的周期和每次拖价的范围,那么按这个来操作就可以带来利润和单量了吗?那肯定没这么简单了。

八 | 这里面有一个变量直接关乎咱们优化直通车投产比最终能不能拉出利润,这个变量就是初始的直通车投产比出价。比如你这个链接的保本投产比是10,你的初始投产比是5,每天能有200单,然后按照每三天提投产比0.2这样来操作,那从5拉到10要多久呢,估计要到海枯石烂为止了。 所以,这里面初始投产比出价很关键,如果保本投产比是10,初始投产比出价是9,那么1个月优化投产比提升个1,是不是很快就能看到利润了? 那么初始投产比出多少比较合适呢?这个是2方面决定的,一个是市场,一个是自己的成本。如果这个品是很卷的品,整个市场的投产比出价都在2,也就是系统默认这个品能给单量的系统建议出价就是2了。 你如果出5,是拿不到初始曝光和单量的。另外根据自己的成本算出直通车保本投产比,如果是5,那也没得玩了,说明你的品没优势,这样的品很难开车。

九 | 尽量把保本投产比控制在3左右,如果成本能控一下,按照市场均价定价后,保本投产比在3以内,那么初始直通车投产比出价就在3左右就可以了,这样的链接一开始就能够带利润起店。

十 | 如果成本没优势,就直接2倍定价,然后2的投产比初始出价,素材原创的话,这个链接也是有可能跑的起来的。

十一 |
04 最后 拼多多直通车优化投产比在技巧上其实没什么难的,记住低频低价的优化思路就好。 这里面最难的其实是初始的直通车投产比出价多少最为合适,以及产品的卖价定多少,这2个数字直接决定着咱们优化直通车投产比的成效。卖价出价定对了,后期的优化直通车会顺风顺水,卖价出价如果定的不合理,你一优化投产比,可能单量就崩咯。

十二 | 作者:老虎讲运营,运营书籍《全栈运营高手》作者;8年电商运营经验,千万流水项目操盘手,多平台专栏作家,专注电商产品运营与推广,擅长品牌打造和爆款制造。
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